The Inequality Blog

Last week I spoke about inequality to 60 or so people in Tauranga. As well as members of the public, three local civic leaders were there: Western Bay of Plenty District Council Mayor Ross Paterson; Bay of Plenty Regional Council Chairman John Cronin; and Tauranga Mayor Stuart Crosby.

They were all asked to respond to Inequality: A New Zealand Crisis, and it was striking to see just how concerned they were about the issue.

Ross Paterson spoke about the need to work with “disadvantaged students and youth” and help them learn the skills they need to move into higher-paying jobs.

He also talked about building community strength through neighbourhood patrols and other means: “It’s just filling that gap that we have got … because of what [the book] is talking about.”

However, local councils’ relatively weak spending and law-making powers mean they had to be a “facilitator” of action against inequality, rather than taking the lead.

John Cronin responded in more personal fashion, saying the book had taken him back to his childhood, growing up in a deprived area of Whanganui. He had been able to escape poverty, but only thanks to “education for everybody … and drive and community spirit”.

Inequality was one of society’s biggest challenges – “it tells us a lot about our priorities” – and local government had to “try to make it better”.

He urged the audience: “We need you to rise up and say we have had enough of inequality.”

Stuart Crosby said one of the worst effects of inequality was the way it restricted many people’s ability to participate in society. His council had little engagement – in submissions and other forms – from its poorest areas, even though they most needed to be engaged. In this situation, the theoretical right to participate was “a fallacy”.

Crosby also questioned why pay rates were so different for different jobs. He asked: “What would the world be like without cleaners?” Yet they were paid as little as $16-17 an hour. Similarly, bus drivers – who could be responsible for the lives of dozens of people – were poorly paid, while CEOs were on $500,000 a year or more.

Cleaners were just as valuable as other workers, but “somehow in this country we have lost that [sense].”

In closing, the meeting’s organiser, Peter Malcolm, said it remained to be seen what the mayors could or would do about inequality – but he promised to keep raising the issue in the run-up to October’s local council elections.

Anyone who missed the conference in Wellington last month on inequality can now see the presentations on the Institute for Governance and Policy Studies website: http://igps.victoria.ac.nz/events/previous_events-2013.html#Jul.

In one of the presentations, Michael Forster from the OECD points out that the top 1% in New Zealand have had 20% of total income growth in the last 20 years.

Other presentations deal with the economic, health and educational costs of inequality, while yet others look at some of the options available for reducing it.

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NBR Rich List 2013

 

 

 

 

 

This graph, compiled by Geoff Bertram from Victoria University, emphasises how the NBR Rich List’s wealth has increased dramatically since the mid-1980s.

It also shows two things. First, the sharp rise in income inequality in the mid-80s to mid-90s has resulted in a large and lasting increase in wealth concentration. Even if income inequality has been fairly static in recent years, that wealth transfer has already been stacked up. Given the advantages that asset ownership brings, that’s a significant concern.

Second, income inequality may not have increased since the global financial crisis, but this increase in wealth is likely to translate back into increased income. This just reinforces my argument last week that we will probably see rising inequality (even in income terms) in coming years.

(Note: This graph was compiled by Bertram using 2012 dollars, and I’ve just added the non-adjusted figure for 2013. In 2012, the NBR added foreign people of wealth based in New Zealand to the list for the first time, which partly accounts for the sharp increase that year. But even if those people’s wealth is stripped out, the Rich List is still at a record high.)

Income and wealth gaps have a profound – and negative – effect on New Zealand, researchers have claimed.

Speaking to a conference on inequality organised by the Institute for Governance and Policy Studies, education researcher Cathy Wylie said inequality was “a chronic illness – and it’s getting worse”.

A poorer area like Porirua lost a quarter of its potential high school students to other areas, and half of those students were from its wealthier areas. That left high concentrations of poorer students in low-decile schools, which then struggled to cope.

Successful initiatives, such as the Manaiakalani project in South Auckland, were made possible only when schools were given extra funding and were joined up by a board sitting above them, Wylie said.

Speaking at the same conference, Professor Philippa Howden-Chapman, from Otago University, said poor housing was a major cause of preventable illness in New Zealand. Cold, uninsulated houses left many families unable to heat their homes or crowding together for warmth, which encouraged the spread of diseases.

People in the lowest 10% of income earners spent 13% of their income just on heating their house, while having the OECD’s highest rate of people moving house showed how often New Zealanders had to shift home to escape inadequate living conditions.

Solutions to housing inequality included renewed social house building programmes, a warrant of fitness for all rented homes and further spending on insulation programmes.

Tracey McIntosh, a senior lecturer at Auckland University, spoke of the danger of “normalising” the impact of inequality on Maori by the repeated use of phrases such as “the overrepresentation of Maori”.

She also stressed Linda Tuhiwai Smith’s “call for concepts” and the need for new ways of talking about inequality. New policies also held out hope, she said, pointing to a youth hub in south Waikato, built as part of the government’s social sector trials, which for $167,000 had helped reduce offending among local young people by 87%.

In contrast, keeping someone in prison cost $92,000 a year, and over $700 million was spent each year on the prison system.

Professor Paul Dalziel, from Lincoln University, stressed the need to tackle skills gaps to reduce inequality. Some 40% of people aged 30-34 earned less than a fulltime minimum wage, while hundreds of occupations were on official lists indicating significant skills shortages.

However, the current system was not catering to the full diversity of learners, nor was it giving sufficient attention to trades skills or providing good transitions between high school and tertiary institutions.

Geoff Bertram, a retired Victoria University economist, said the sudden rise in income inequality in New Zealand from the mid-1980s to the mid-1990s had significantly shifted wealth to the top end of the distribution.

He advocated a three-pronged approach to tackling this problem. First, the government needed to crack down on monopolies and do more to protect consumers. This could be done by amending the Commerce Act to strengthen its “pro-consumer” intent and being willing to take profits from monopolistic operators and redistribute them among consumers.

Second, wages could be lifted through improved collective bargaining and tackling the “disempowering and fragmenting” effect of casualised work. Governments could “nudge” firms by withholding contracts from those who paid their CEO more than a certain multiple of workers’ pay.

Third, more taxes on wealth were needed, and they should target the recipients of wealth transfers, rather than trying to tax the donor, which was too easily avoided.

Large income gaps pose one of the most severe challenges that New Zealand faces, according to speakers at a conference organised by the Institute for Governance and Policy Studies.

The conference, entitled ‘Increasing Inequality: Causes, Consequences and Responses’, heard first from the OECD’s Michael Forster.

From 1980 to 2008, New Zealand’s top 1% captured 20% of total income growth, Forster said. While the top 1%’s income share had fallen around the world after the global financial crisis, “all the signs points to the fact that this was a transitory halt in the shares of the top income earners”.

Also on the international front, he said: “As the jobs crisis persists and fiscal consolidation takes hold, there is a great risk of further rises in inequality and poverty.”

The OECD’s analysis showed that technological change and increasing rewards for skilled workers had played a big part in increasing inequality, but other factors – including a less redistributive welfare system – had also widened income gaps.

Policies were needed in three key areas to reduce inequality: investment in skills and training, creating more high-quality jobs – “in the past, there was too much emphasis on more jobs … [we need] jobs which can provide a career” – and reforming tax and welfare systems.

On the last point, Forster said there was “scope for reviewing some tax provisions in light of increased tax capacity among top income households”.

The conference also heard from Professor Robert Wade, a New Zealand-born political economist from the London School of Economics.

Wade outlined the significant health, economic and political costs of inequality. While some mainstream economists claimed that inequality was needed for growth, the very equal northern European countries had some of the world’s highest growth rates per hour worked, he said.

In fact, inequality posed a threat to the economy by reducing the spending power of the lower and middle classes, and by helping create the kind of asset bubbles that had led to the global financial crisis.

But it was the political costs of inequality that were most concerning, Wade said. Great wealth created a “money-empathy gap” that led the top 1% to demand policies very different from those sought by the general public.

This great wealth also allowed the top 1% to get their way, he said, citing research showing that US politicians are much more responsive to their wealthy constituents than to their poorer ones.

To stress the fact that everyone was affected by inequality, Wade used the metaphor of a swimming pool “with a urinating and a non-urinating section”. In this metaphor, “Those people in the non-swimming section cannot insulate themselves from the behaviour of those in the urinating section.”

All proposed laws should be assessed for their potential impact on income gaps, Wade said, even those – like monetary policy – that appeared far removed from income distributions. In particular, campaign finance reform was needed to stop the wealthy from unduly influencing politics.

 

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On Q+A this morning, there was much discussion about inequality, and in particular New Zealand’s very low wages, which leave so many reliant on a Working for Families top-up. The question is, how to get out of that low-wage trap?

At this point, classical economics isn’t very helpful, because it tends to focus on comparative advantage: the idea that whatever you do better than other countries is what you should stick with. And at the moment what we do best is produce low-value goods cheaper than other developed countries because our wages are so low.

To get out of that trap requires a game-changer, a trap-breaker. As one of the contributors to Inequality: A New Zealand Crisis, Nigel Haworth, argues, we need a combined push from government, business and unions to shift ourselves – in ways that the market alone won’t do – into a high-value, high-wage state.

That means more government investment in R+D and other changes.

But in particular, it means reversing the idea that you have to have economic growth first, then you can afford higher wages. Instead, we have to realise that if we pay people better, and do a few other things, people will work harder and more productively – thus generating the high-value economic growth that we need.

That’s because better paid people feel more rewarded. They’ll also work better if they have more input into how their company is run.

So we need that game-changer to break out of the low-wage trap – and, at the same time, reduce inequality.

Q+A this morning did an extended segment on inequality, focussing on law wages. Inequality: A New Zealand Crisis contributor Robert Wade put the case for tackling inequality, and in particular stopping income being diverted towards the top. Bill English then put a counter-view, arguing that the government is already tackling inequality by trying to build more houses and lift living standards.

In the panel sessions afterwards, Peter Conway from the CTU made the point that the government’s tax switch has increased inequality by giving top earners a bigger cut.

You can see all the items here:

http://tvnz.co.nz/q-and-a-news/panel-inequality-video-5508238

http://tvnz.co.nz/q-and-a-news/professor-robert-wade-inequality-video-5508231

http://tvnz.co.nz/q-and-a-news/jessica-mutch-interviews-bill-english-inequality-5508300

http://tvnz.co.nz/q-and-a-news/dita-boni-growing-income-gap-video-5508225

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The Backbencher Pub was packed out for the filming of the Back Benches show last night. Among the issues that the panel of MPs was asked about was inequality. Wallace Chapman introduced the topic by reminding the panel that income inequality has increased faster in NZ than other developed countries. It’s a fast paced programme and the panel of MPs (Rino Tirikatene, Tau Henare, Metirira Turei and Te Ururoa Flavel) got a few seconds to say what they thought about income inequality. Among the things talked about was the importance of creating more jobs, the Living Wage campaign was well supported and  the need to look at ways to control highest pay leves got a mention as well. What salary is too much was the question – is a $1 million the maximum?

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On Monday night we had the first of the talks by Professor Robert Wade about rising inequality around the world.

As you can see, it was a full house, with people standing in the aisles and at the back so as to be able to hear Robert talk about the way that the current system drives ever increasing amounts of income towards the top 1%.

More talks to follow in Dunedin, Christchurch and Wellington – see the Upcoming Events page for more details.The audience: standing room only

Robert Wade talk Auckland

 

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Welcome to the start of a conversation about inequality. This is a joint project between myself, as the editor of the recently published Inequality: A New Zealand Crisis, and the New Zealand Council of Christian Social Services, one of the book’s supporters.
We’ve created this site as a way for people to understand more about inequality – and as a way for us to let people know what’s being done to raise it as a public issue. Over the coming weeks and months we’ll be talking about inequality in the media, and publicising events and lectures on the subject. (The Upcoming Events page has details of the latter.)
Inequality is a huge, complex subject, and people have a great array of opinions about it. We’re certainly not pretending to have the final word. But we do think the evidence shows that wide income gaps have serious effects on a country’s health, wellbeing and economy. Inequality is one of the most significant and complex issues we face, and deserves serious debate.

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